Trident – An Indefensible Defence

Nuclear weapons are the most dangerous weapons on earth.  One can destroy a whole city, potentially killing millions, and jeopardizing the natural environment and lives of future generations through its long-term catastrophic effects.  The dangers from such weapons arise from their very existence.  Although nuclear weapons have only been used twice in warfare—in the bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki in 1945—about 22,000 reportedly remain in our world today and there have been over 2,000 nuclear tests conducted to date.  Disarmament is the best protection against such dangers, but achieving this goal has been a tremendously difficult challenge.

United Nations Office for Disarmament Affairs

 

The United Kingdom spending money on the most dangerous weapons on earth is unjustifiable, economically and morally. Currently the cost of maintaining what the government describe as the ‘nuclear deterrent’ in 2014 was 6% of the total defence budget, around £2.4bn, which admittedly isn’t very much in terms of total UK budget expenditure which was £714bn in 2014. (Welfare cost £112.4bn, pensions £143.2bn, Health £129.5 bn, Education £90.2 bn). The very idea that a free, democratic nation sees spending even such a miniscule amount of its budget on the ownership of weapons whose use would inflict untold suffering on tens of millions of innocent people and effect a response that would wipe out our nation in minutes is, quite literally, indefensible. Indeed the International Court of Justice ruled in 1996 the threat or use of nuclear weapons would be contrary to the rules of international law. For the UK to hold and maintain such despicable weapons is bad enough but, at a time when we are continually told there is no alternative to austerity, all the major UK parties are committed to spending £30bn to upgrade Trident and a further £70bn over the next 25 years to maintain it. That is at today’s prices – the cost of upgrading alone has already increased by 50% since 2009. It makes no sense. The Tories say if returned to government they will cut welfare by a further £12bn, as well as make further cuts to most if not all government expenditure, but will have £30bn to upgrade Trident. Labour and the Liberal Democrats have similar commitments.  Whatever the makeup of the next government,  if it continues with the plans to upgrade the UK nuclear deterrent it will be an indication of its attitude to the most vulnerable in our country and humanity in general. Conventional weapons serve the majority of the world’s nations very well and are all we need to defend us, nuclear weapons serve no real defensive purpose.

As a country we can’t afford it. As a democracy we shouldn’t need it. As a UN member nation we shouldn’t have it. As people we have to oppose it.

Find out more at CND about what could be done with the money to be spent on Trident, and sign the Rethink Trident statement.

Inequality – Another British Growth Industry

Inequality has increased massively in this country in recent times, and should whoever forms the next government continues on the harsh route of austerity it will push our country’s social development back to the levels of inequality last experienced in the 1930s. According to the Child Poverty Action Group, Joseph Rowntree Foundation, Oxfam and many other social research groups more than 1 in 5 households are in poverty, affecting more than 1 in 5 children. Age UK say that over 1.6 million Pensioners in poverty, that’s more than 1 in 7, with over 900,000 in severe poverty. Rates of poverty amongst disabled people are twice that of the non-disabled population, with coalition policies forcing more and more off disability benefits under the guise of austerity budget requirements. The Trussel Trust’s food banks increased from 56 in 2009 to 445 this year feeding a total 1.1 million people, whilst the richest 1,000 families in the country saw their wealth more than double from £258bn to £547bn during the same period – an amount larger than that held by the poorest 40% of Britain’s households.

It’s clear that austerity has achieve little other than to begin stripping the country of its welfare system, dismantling the NHS, impoverishing local government, shrinking the public services and it has created a housing crisis that will take at least a generation to repair. Inequality has now started to affect that part of British society most slow to rise up in protest – the middle classes. Many people who would ordinarily not be very interested in politics or not too negatively affected by government policies are finding themselves directly affected by the housing crisis and, realising there is a problem, they look around and see just how damaged the country is. As a result they are beginning to question the sensibility of government austerity policies that leave the poor and vulnerable hungry, cold and homeless. Some do, as we have seen, doggedly believe in Conservative government, some turn to the right and blame ‘those foreigners’ and pledge their allegiance to UKIP, but more and more are looking to the centre left and left-of-centre parties to take action. Unsurprisingly Liberal Democrat support is ebbing away.

The problem with such financial and social inequality is that it creates division and unrest. The country has made huge advances in social equality – who’d have thought that a British government would admit institutional racism was something that existed and needed to be dealt with, or that same-sex marriage would be legislated for? Yet we haven’t gone far enough – women are still fighting social, workplace and economic prejudice, racism is still a problem and, as we have seen, homophobia still exists and there are increases in attacks on disabled people and people ‘suspected’ of being benefit claimants. Hate crime is on the rise across the board, and it is only likely to increase as austerity sets people against each other as they seek others to blame and any difference becomes the excuse.

The left need to stop infighting and work together – an agreement or a coalition between the left is the only way of changing the route Britain is on. It’s too important not to set aside niggling differences, we need a united group of politicians ready to check their egos, work together and repair the social fabric of this country. It won’t be easy, we may need to protest and make demands of the government to ensure that they move us back to a fair and just social economy.

The All Too Social Anti-Social Media

Lately I have found myself becoming increasingly distracted and anxious. I settle down to write with Facebook and Twitter minimised yet at every little ping and beep I click them back on to full screen and… well, I’m sure you can imagine. During an election campaign as close and nasty as this one is those pings and beeps happen with alarming frequency and, afraid at missing something,  I check the tweet, make sure of the source, follow the link, read the link, go back to the source, favourite, like and/or make a comment, retweet (sorry folks), and sometimes send a reply or message to the person or group who sent the tweet in the first place, settle back down to write and ping… Aargh! Off I go again. I only signed up to Twitter because I thought it would help get ‘A Pootler’, a new project and a different style of writing for me, an audience. It has, and I’ve got some nice, supportive and interesting people following me – thank you! – and found lots to follow in turn. I’ve also managed to strike up the occasional tweet or two with people I  admire or support,  and found some of my tweets and blog posts ‘favorited’ (forgive the Americanisation, that’s what Twitter call it) or retweeted by those very same people which is a real ego-boost. It’s amazing. But I don’t like it. But I do. Except it’s too distracting. So I don’t. Oh, I don’t know.  Perhaps it’s the novelty of the thing, I don’t have the same problem with Facebook (except I now share my tweets and retweets on the Pootler page, then share again on my personal page. I must be, no I am definitely, so bloody annoying).  I’ve also found that I suddenly find myself so distracted that I have difficulty getting settled back into what I’ve been working on, or simply stop altogether. Last weekend I ended up writing something really unfocussed as a result of numerous distractions, I posted it, it’s a piece that I’m not very proud of as I think lacks conviction and isn’t really my voice. That’ll teach me. I’ve found myself having the same problem over the past couple of days – I have a subject I so very much want to write about but it has to be done justice. At least I’ve learned from my mistake and put it aside.

The main thing I really do loath about Twitter, and something I hadn’t truly appreciated until using it, is the sheer rudeness and nastiness with which some people conduct themselves. And the trolls. Oh the trolls. I believe in freedom of speech but not when it is a bullying, vitriolic rant which sadly seems to be the stock response of some who disagree with a point of view. I also can’t understand how or why people take pleasure in spouting hatred and issuing threats, especially on something called ‘social media’. I’ve been trolled a couple of times by homophobes and right-wing hatemongers, I blocked and reported them. Simple. If I misinterpreted their comments due to oversensitivity Twitter will see that, but if they are harmful spreaders of bile I’m sure Twitter will deal with. Either way I hope not to have them bother me gain. If I come across something I disagree with I move on, I don’t allow myself to be drawn in and get increasingly agitated. If I see or hear racist, sexist, homophobic or other form or hateful bigotry I will voice my opinion without lowering myself to the level of the offender and will report it. I’m lucky though, I feel fairly safe as I’m not in the public eye and fairly anonymous.  I have, however, seen some of the vile things that trolls have tweeted to public figures and it is truly shocking,  I cannot understand how someone could  do it. Some commentators and experts believe that it’s the anonymity that makes it possible, others that it’s the fact that as the communication is via a screen and keypad the troll doesn’t see it as real. That might be so in a majority of cases but it doesn’t make it any more pleasant or acceptable, and what about the minority of cases where something far more dangerous is intended? Let’s hope I’m just being overanxious.

For the moment I’m going to persevere with Twitter and will attempt to moderate my use, I want my blog to succeed and I’m sure I’ll soon re-establish my self-control where concentrating on my writing is concerned… Ooh, a ping…

In Praise of Whitechapel Library

I am a huge fan of public libraries, from childhood up until today I have found them wonderful places of education, escape, peace and adventure. At secondary school I was a ‘librarian’, and for a time in the late 1980s and early 1990s I worked at Whitechapel Library – once known as ‘The University of the East End’- a wonderful place full of history and atmosphere. As soon as it opened its doors in 1892 the library became a place of escape and learning for the local poor and the large Jewish population who had sought refuge from persecution in eastern Europe. It became a place of refuge and learning, and it was also a meeting place for political activists and revolutionaries. Famous library users have included the poet Isaac Rosenberg, artists Mark Gertler and David Bomberg, the playwrights Arnold Wesker and Bernard Kops, (his wonderful poem Whitechapel Library Aldgate East is below), and the scientist and historian Jacob Bronowski, who became internationally famous for his landmark television series The Ascent of Man. The library closed its doors for the final time in August 2005 and was replaced by the modern Idea Store half-a-mile away along Whitechapel Road. Today the old library forms part of the Whitechapel Gallery, and the old workroom where I and my colleagues processed new books and repaired the old ones is now the gallery’s restaurant.

Whitechapel Library after Closure, 2005 © Phil Maxwell

Whitechapel Library after Closure, 2005 © Phil Maxwell

Whitechapel Library, Aldgate East by Bernard Kops

How often I went in for warmth and a doze
The newspaper room whilst my world outside froze
And I took out my sardine sandwich feast.
Whitechapel Library, Aldgate East.
And the tramps and the madman and the
chattering crone.
The smell of their farts could turn you to stone
But anywhere, anywhere was better than home.

The joy to escape from family and war.
But how can you have dreams?
you’ll end up on the floor.
Be like your brothers, what else is life for?

You’re lost and you’re drifting, settle down, get a job.
Meet a nice Jewish girl, work hard, earn a few bob.
Get married, have kids; a nice home on the never
and save up for the future and days of rough weather.

Come back down to earth, there is nothing more.
I listened and nodded, like I knew the score.
And early next morning I crept out the door.

Outside it was pouring
I was leaving forever.

I was finally, irrevocably done with this scene,
The trap of my world in Stepney Green.
With nowhere to go and nothing to dream

A loner in love with words, but so lost
and wandering the streets, not counting the cost.
I emerged out of childhood with nowhere to hide
when a door called my name
and pulled me inside.

And being so hungry I fell on the feast.
Whitechapel Library, Aldgate East.

And my brain explodes when I suddenly find,
an orchard within for the heart and the mind.
The past was a mirage I’d left far behind

And I am a locust and I’m at a feast.
Whitechapel Library, Aldgate East.

And Rosenberg also came to get out of the cold
To write poems of fire, but he never grew old.
And here I met Chekhov, Tolstoy, Meyerhold.
I read all their worlds, their dark visions of gold.

The reference library, where my thoughts were to rage.
I ate book after book, page after page.
I scoffed poetry for breakfast and novels for tea.
And plays for my supper. No more poverty.
Welcome young poet, in here you are free
to follow your star to where you should be.

That door of the library was the door into me
And Lorca and Shelley said “Come to the feast.”
Whitechapel Library, Aldgate East.

A Broad-Left Manifesto for Social Cohesion

From each according to his ability, to each according to his need

Louis Blanc, 1851

I’m by no means a Marxist, I do not align myself to any party or creed, but I do believe in socialist principals – especially the one highlighted above. I believe that the basics of human life – housing, food, education, employment, healthcare  – should be available to all equally, regardless of income, and that the state has a responsibility to ensure that all citizens have access to a decent basic standard of all of these.  It also has a responsibility to ensure that all have protection under the law and the International Declaration of Human Rights. Not one of the political parties – left or right – have really fully addressed the social and financial pressures the ordinary residents of this country are under, let alone the most vulnerable. They have so far spent the election campaign scoring political points and heaping insults on each other, little wonder that so many feel so disengaged from politics. Under the Conservative-Liberal Democrat coalition living standards are still below the level of those at the time of the 2010 election, child poverty has increased, house rental and purchase costs continue to outstrip wages and  public services – from the NHS to the armed forces – are stretched to near breaking point. Despite this the coalition parties want us to believe that as a result of their policies and fiscal management the country is doing well. I and many others beg to differ. Another term of Conservative government, either as a single party or in coalition, will lead to economic and social divisions unseen since the worst excesses of Thatcherism. The Tory promise to extend the Right to Buy scheme is proof positive of what could happen, indeed we are already well down that road.  The  Equality Trust’s report ‘The Scale of Economic Inequality in the UK’ stated in February:

The UK has a very high level of income inequality compared to other developed countries.

People in the bottom 10% of the population have on average a net income of £8,628. The top 10% have net incomes almost ten times that (£80,240)… income inequality is much starker at the top of the income scale, with the group with the 9th highest incomes making only 60% of the top 10%’s income. Inequality is much higher amongst original income than net income with the poorest 10% having on average an original income of £3,875 whilst the top 10% have an original income over 27 times larger (£104,940).

Such inequality is inexcusable and serves as an indicator of what is happening in the country – big money and the markets rule.  A small number of billionaire business and media oligarchs appear to be able to influence government and hold sway over an increasing number of  politicians whilst the vast majority of the electorate are at best patronised and at worst ignored. Westminster has increasingly become so far removed from the real lives of ordinary working UK residents that government policy, no matter how unpopular or misguided, is forced through come what may, and the efficacy of such policies seem to be measured by cherry-picking the results most favourable to the government. The 2010-2015 coalition government has forced through socially damaging and divisive policies that are continuing to harm the most vulnerable in society, and blinkered ideological dogma is undermining public service provision in all areas under the pretence that austerity requires it. They have used the 2008 international banking crisis as an ideal opportunity to persuade the public that it was a home-grown failure of Labour’s fiscal policy and the only alternative to swingeing cuts was bankruptcy. The Labour Party’s failure to harness public disquiet over unpopular policies and provide a strong voice for political and social opposition to the harsh and unnecessary level of cuts and reorganisation simply served to prove the Labour leadership’s disconnection from the voters. Once gain the weakest in society came into a government’s sights – not single mothers as in the days of Thatcher but the supposed feckless undeserving sick and disabled poor as well as their usual bogeymen the profligate public services and the thieving foreigners swarming over our borders. In selling us these wide-of-the-mark theories it was willingly aided by the predominantly right-wing media, more than happy to be able to offer their readers tales on the wanton wastefulness of benefit Britain on one page and the lovely luxurious lives of marvellous millionaires on the next.

This election is crucial to stop this country being dragged further from being a social welfare society to a neoliberal capitalist economy. It is an opportunity for the nation to be moved from economics of austerity and despair to an integrated policy of social and economic development which would serve to strengthen communities and re-energise a sense of pride and place, and this means that Ed Miliband and Labour as the probable largest party of the left must swallow their pride and work with the other broad-left parties such the Greens, Plaid Cymru and the SNP to ensure that this can be done. A broad-left controlled parliament could and should ensure that, as soon as possible:

  • The attacks upon the poorest, disabled people and the sick stop, with all benefit reform managed to ensure that people of working age in receipt of benefits no longer have to rely upon food banks or choose between heating, food or paying rent. It is a crime that this happens in one of the richest nations on earth.
  • A commission be appointed to look, without government or political interference, at a fair and equitable welfare benefits system.
  • Employers must pay the living wage as advised by the Living Wage Foundation, rather than the minimum wage.
  • Zero hours contracts be scrapped and replaced with employee-centred contracts.
  • The right-to-buy scheme for all council housing and social housing be stopped.
  • A comprehensive social housing policy be adopted allowing properties to be purchased and built by local authorities. This can be funded by local authorities being allowed to take out mortgages at favourable rates through state funded banks which will, after all, be repaid through rents.
  • Council, social and private rents be controlled by independent bodies, taking into account local pay conditions rather than market forces.
  • The NHS and all its properties be returned to the nation, with public-private partnerships.
  • NHS reforms to be stopped with a commission, made up of NHS staff, patient and health organisations, charged with looking at the best way of operating a modern, patient-centred service. It should fully independent of government and political interference. Physical and mental health should be funded and seen equally.
  • Education should be returned to a state system with oversight by boards and a broad-based national curriculum to cover sciences and the arts equally.
  • The bias to an artificial percentage of school leavers expected to go on to university education should be reassessed, with apprenticeships and other fully accredited and overseen professional, technical and employment-based training provision accorded equal status.
  • University loans should be abolished and a grant system for all higher/post school accredited education be reintroduced.
  • Legal Aid in criminal, family and employment cases needs to be reintroduced.
  • A reform of the parliamentary system to reflect the democratic needs of the four nations and to finally remove and replace the Lords should be begun immediately and put to the nation in a referendum.
  • In order to pay for this taxation must be reviewed. Income tax should be set at levels aligned to personal income with a higher rate of income tax set at 50%. ‘Non-Dom’ status should be abolished and all UK residents should be required to pay their appropriate taxes, regardless of their national, personal or business status. Business taxes should encourage community enterprise and investment with business taxes aligned to business profits.

A comprehensive review and strengthening of equality legislation in all areas – for women, disabled people, LBTQ people, the black and minority ethnic populations – should be taken in hand as soon as possible. Equality is something that benefits all society and it requires the government to lead by full training in equalities for all public employees, service providers and as a full part of the education system and provided by people expert in the relevant areas.

Funding and policy with regard to policing, national security, the armed forces, devolution and local authority provision, immigration, EU membership and foreign affairs obviously need to be reviewed and addressed in order to best serve the people of the UK, not the political establishment or the markets.

Will anyone listen? I doubt it but I live in hope.

Gentrification: A view from one of the ungentrified

“One by one, many of the working class quarters of London have been invaded by the middle-classes—upper and lower… Once this process of ‘gentrification’ starts in a district it goes on rapidly until all or most of the original working-class occupiers are displaced and the whole social character of the district is changed.”

Ruth Glass, Director of the Social Research Unit, University College London (1964)

Ruth Glass coined the phrase gentrification in her study London: Aspects of Change that described the many changes – social, economic and cultural – in a number of central London neighbourhoods, and how these changes were displacing the working class, immigrant and poorer residents of those neighbourhoods. She wasn’t totally won over by the process of gentrification and made clear her view that it would create its own problems:

“Altogether there has been a great deal of displacement. All those who cannot hold their own—the small enterprises, the lower ranks of people, the odd men out—are being pushed away.”

It is now more than fifty years since that report and the process of gentrification has, in the past ten years or so, become an unstoppable force in many of London’s inner boroughs, especially those bordering the east of the City and on the south bank of the Thames. My own neighbourhood, on the western side of Bethnal Green near the top of Brick Lane, is right at the centre of some of the most concentrated gentrification projects in London which were fuelled firstly by the availability of cheap and large warehouse-style properties popular with artists, then its proximity to the City of London and latterly the huge growth in tech, media and other creative industries around Old Street, Shoreditch and Hoxton. The original wave of ‘gentrifiers’ were attracted to the east-end by its affordability, its sense of community and its edginess, hence its popularity with artists. They have now mostly all moved on. The warehouses that served them well as studios, galleries and homes have gradually been sold on to more commercially minded owners, the flats that gave people a leg-up on the property ladder have increased in value enabling them to exchange edginess for something quieter. Gentrification has now taken on a decidedly market-led approach with continuous and large increases in property values changing the face and nature of the east-end in a very heavy-handed way, not improving the area for the benefit of all its residents but transforming it to a trendy destination point for the better off. The social mix that has for generations given the east-end its vibrancy and social mix is being lost, and we will all be the poorer for it.

The east-end of London has been too often seen by many as an exotic area of poverty and immigration, violence and murder interspersed with small districts of entertainment. Tour guides are two-a-penny willing to take the gullible and ghoulish on tours of the streets made famous by disgusting misogynist murders of the serial killer ‘Jack the Ripper’, the psychopathic murdering thugs of swinging sixties, the non-existent slum central to a book that is a Victorian melodramatic fiction but widely but believed to be history, and numerous other supposed sites of east-end myth and folklore based on the merest sliver of fact and turned into a totally believable but misguided and overblown history that has gained a place in the psyche of the nation. These tours and the tales they are based on are popular, I think, because they help us to believe that such problems of metropolitan life are distant from us physically and temporally which helps us ignore the realities of equivalent threats and problems today. In truth the east-end has many fascinating histories, much of which still affects our lives today in terms of anti-racist movements, health provision, social housing, human rights,  politics, trade unionism, women’s rights, workers rights, working class movements… it’s a long, long list in which violence and murder plays a miniscule part. Poverty and immigration are an inescapable part of the east-end’s history but not the voyeuristic, poverty-porn sort full of “cor, strike a light guv’nor”, cheeky chappies, tarts with hearts, starving urchins, ignorant, indigent or brawling masses who just need a wash and a bit of love. I digress. There are numerous books written that cover the true history of the east-end far better than I could, (Bishopsgate Institute Library has an unrivalled archive and Brick Lane Bookshop holds a comprehensive stock of in-print books), and guides who provide enthralling and true historical tours of the area, (such as East End Walks and Backpassage Tours), I’ll concentrate on gentrification.

When I moved to Bethnal Green in 1987 I have to admit it wasn’t my first choice of somewhere to live, a friend had a spare room which was cheap to rent and I needed somewhere to stay. As an inner-London borough Tower Hamlets was adjusting to particularly harsh conditions economically, politically and socially, (like most inner-city areas), due to years of underinvestment, reduced funding and reorganisation imposed by the Tory government. Unemployment was high, far-right organisations like the National Front and BNP visibly active in the area with campaigning and physical attacks against people and businesses which, together with heavy-handed policing, created fear and tension amongst the Asian, black and gay communities, and left-wing and anti-fascist activists. Social housing had suffered years of neglect and many council estates, especially those around Brick Lane, Spitalfields and Shoreditch, were run down with many blocks classified as ‘hard-to-let’.  To outsiders this all created the impression of the east-end as somewhere best avoided, but for the people who lived here it made community activism an important part of their lives. Cheap property prices in comparison to most other parts of London may have influenced some to move here but ultimately people stayed because it was a decent, vibrant place to live – it was the sense of community rather than trendiness or marketing that people found good reasons to live here.

As time has marched on much has changed but much has stayed the same. Tower Hamlets is still amongst the poorest boroughs in the country, indeed child poverty is higher here than anywhere else in the UK, and with the current period of austerity affecting poorer areas more harshly than richer ones the borough is once again under pressure. Walking through along Brick Lane through Spitalfields and into Shoreditch might make you doubt that statement. Expensive shops, clubs, bars, restaurants and new private housing give the area and aura of trendiness and wealth. Look closely and you’ll see that there are few affordable shops, public services or public amenities that you’d expect to find in a residential area in an inner-city neighbourhood ranked amongst the country’s poorest. It is gentrification writ large. Small family-run cafes, corner shops and grocers have virtually disappeared. The curry houses that made Brick Lane famous have been forced to go ‘upmarket’ or been pushed out. Small traders and factories that had operated for years have been priced out of the area. It isn’t an area where the average Tower Hamlets resident can easily find suitable, decently paid employment, and those not fortunate enough to be considered for social housing are being forced out of the area to find affordable housing. The ‘right-to-buy’ scheme has also had a huge impact of the social fabric of the area, not because of the residents who took advantage of the scheme but the lack of forethought by those who introduced it. The original scheme did not allow local authorities to use money from sales of their properties to build or buy replacement properties. After three years the former council tenants who had purchased the property could sell it at full market rent and the council could do nothing. Once sold on the property was virtually the same as any other private leasehold property.

Properties in this area are at a premium, and in one area in particular this has become offensively apparent. Tower Hamlets is home to the first ever council estate built in Britain, the Boundary Estate. It was built in the 1890s on the site of slum housing by the newly formed London County Council. It was built in the style of a model village with all the amenities it could possibly need – a laundry and bath-house, schools, shops, eating houses, a doctor’s surgery, a church with a community centre and workshops- in light, modern blocks surrounding airy courtyards on wide, tree-lined roads radiating off the central gardens. It was an idea and design so radical that future council housing could never be quite so grand – the next to be built is the Millbank Estate behind Tate Britain, its buildings every bit as beautiful but it lacked the open spaces and amenities that were designed into the Boundary. The Boundary Estate is still a council estate but around 30% of the properties are privately owned. Estate agents call the area Arnold Circus. Many of the council tenants are on minimum wage jobs and receive housing benefit, a few of the original people who bought their properties under the right-to-buy scheme still live in their homes but many have been sold. Some of the privately owned flats are owned by property agencies who rent out flats at  up to four times the average council rent. A two-bedroomed property recently sold for in excess of £600,000 and another is being advertised locally for £525,000. Calvert Avenue has become a chic and expensive shopping street with high-end designer jewellery, clothing and soft-furnishing for sale, expensive cafes and grocers and an art gallery replacing the council offices, grocers/off license, a newsagent, hairdressers and small businesses. A barber, newsagent and community-run launderette are all that remain from when area was a hard-to-let estate. The estate buildings and Boundary Gardens are grade two listed, but maintenance and upkeep is poor. The local authority and central government could work together to make much more of the Boundary’s status and protect it for future social housing need. They don’t and have refused in the past to do so when approached by residents.

In the past few years Redchurch Street, just to the south of the Boundary, has become one of London’s trendiest shopping streets. All of the old businesses have closed down or moved on. The small factories and light industrial units that operated on the western end of Bethnal Green road are almost all gone, those few that remain will be gone when the latest phase of redevelopment on the north side of the street is given the go ahead. Luxury flats have already been built and the site of the Bishopsgate Goodsyard is due to be built on within the next year. Ten high-rise buildings ranging from ten to around fifty stories are planned, for luxury apartments, ‘high-end shopping’, a luxury hotel and offices. There will be some public amenities and a small amount of social housing, the full details of which are yet to be announced.

So that is gentrification as seen from the viewpoint of a long-term resident of a gentrified area who fears for the future of social housing, social inclusion and social cohesion. My neighbourhood is not the only area to suffer in this way – it is an experience common to many across the UK. The problem will be dealt with only when the gentrifiers can’t find people to serve their coffees, work the supermarket tills, drive public transport, educate them and their children, tend their ailments or clean their homes as they’ve all been priced out of the cities. Let’s hope someone wakes up and realises.

Tower Hamlets Federation of TRAs – Election Housing Hustings

Tower Hamlets Federation of Tenants & Residents Associations

 presents:

The Great General Election Housing Hustings!
Monday, 27th April, 7-9pm;
Collingwood Hall, Collingwood Street, E1.

The main political parties standing candidates in our borough will discuss their housing policy in detail. You can send in questions, email admin@th-federation.org.uk. There will also be contributions from the audience.

All Tower Hamlets residents are welcome

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The Leaders Debate – A Sham

Pootler decided not to watch the leaders debate on television last night, (2nd April), but followed it on Twitter which seems as though it was more illuminating and much more entertaining. Looking at the press today, however, bears no resemblance to a fair appraisal of what was going on but a predominantly right-wing gloss over what was a mediocre performance by Ed Miliband, a poor performance by David Cameron, a display of ridiculous blame shifting for the past five years by Nick Clegg and a the most foul cacophony of racist, xenophobic, homophobic and sexist nonsense from Farage. The three leaders who came out of this with any credit and showed what politicians should be, particularly party leaders, were Natalie Bennett, Nicola Sturgeon and Leanne Wood. Is it just a coincidence that they happen to be women or proof indeed that women in today’s politics tend to be more focused, honest and direct and less confrontational whilst still getting their points across? I would hope it is the latter although there are a number of Conservative women politicians – the employment minister Esther McVey chief amongst them – who can bring a chill to the spine and has a manner very redolent of Thatcher, I tend to think – biased as I am – that this is a right-wing trait that may change in another generation or two and Conservative women may too become focused, honest and direct in a less confrontational manner. (Typed with irony). Any way, despite the better performance by the Green, Plaid and SNP leaders, they were generally ignored by the majority of the press, Farage and his foul slurs and scaremongering got more coverage than it should, (I am now guilty of that too. I’m telling myself off as I write), and the most coverage goes to the minutest details of Miliband and Cameron’s performances.

The questioning and responses didn’t appear to elicit much in the way of policy or insight, this is quite possibly the limitations in the format and the fact that seven leaders were vying for attention. This is more than borne out by the post-debate polls which didn’t come to any real decision either and varied dependent upon the gloss provided by the proclivities of the papers that published them. What is shocking is the high showing for Farage who displayed the most awful levels of unbridled racism and homophobia – the most awful comment of the night was, naturally, his barefaced lie that

“You can come into Britain from anywhere in the world and get diagnosed with HIV and get the retroviral drugs, that cost up to £25,000 a year per patient.”

Leanne Wood, leader of Plaid Cymru, challenged him immediately and it is shameful that it was only after the debate that Ed Miliband, Nick Clegg or David Cameron addressed the comment via social media. or more than likely members of their teams who saw the high level of outrage. Most of the rest of the debate, such as it was, seemed simply to be an little bit of an addendum to their election broadcasts and failed miserably to address any of the issues questioners raised. With Cameron blaming Labour for the economic mess caused by the international banking crisis, Clegg washing his hands as robustly as he could as if playing the role of Pontius Pilate in a very bad school play, Miliband trying very hard to land punches on both whilst distancing himself from the SNP and (quite rightly) trying to ignore Farage, it was a bit of a ridiculous affair. The pity is that the three remaining parties didn’t seem to get as fair a crack of the whip as the others. This may be due to the fact that Plaid and the SNP do not cross the whole nation and the Green’s perceived vote is too small, but as these parties may share power or influence policy in some other way after the next election we the voters need to know precisely what their views are in the parts of the UK that do not have much experience of them. Housing, health, education, employment, and transport need proper investment and rebuilding. None of this has been properly addressed and for the major two party leaders to simply shrug and repeat that there is no alternative to austerity is unacceptable. A continuation of austerity with a few little tweaks as promised by Labour or a tightening of the screws as promised by the Tories will both create more hardship and risk unrest. It simply can’t be allowed to happen.

What is clear is that neither Labour nor the Tories are likely to get an overall majority. Clegg has, at least in public, been merrily burning all his bridges with the Tories making another coalition appear unlikely, and Labour would come under very severe pressure from supporters if it attempted a coalition with the Liberal Democrats. Farage and UKIP are too toxic and too dangerous to even contemplate any party entering into a coalition with, last night’s performance is proof positive, and the fact that Britain First and the English Defence League seem to be supportive of them adds to the toxicity, although Farage is merrily saying he’d happily work with the Tories. Ed Miliband has to face facts – he has to work with the other parties of the left – Green, Plaid and SNP – if he doesn’t get the overall majority. Better that than leave us to face the complete dismantling of the welfare state and the destruction of the fabric of social liberalism that this nation is famous for. A coalition of the left would serve the country well and the three other left-leaning leaders displayed that they have the focus, skills and strength this country needs. Ed Miliband would be a fool to let this chance pass and the country as a whole would be much the worse.